End-notes for Professor Ludmilla Kostova's Article

[i] Quoted in Memoirs of the Life of Thomas Hope by V.R. in Anastasius, or Memoirs of a Greek Written at the Close of the Eighteenth Century, 2 vols. (Paris: Baudry’s Foreign Library, 1831), I, p.v.

[ii] For a more detailed commentary on the novel’s reception, see John Rodenbeck’s essay  on Anastasius.

[iii] Lord Glenbervie wrote about Hope in 1801: ‘He is a little ill-looking man about thirty, with a sort of effeminate face and manner, and speaking a kind of language which you are in doubt whether to think merely affected or what is called broken English’, quoted in David Watkin, Thomas Hope 1769 – 1831 and the Neoclassical Idea (London: John Murray, 1968), p. 8

[iv] Sydney Smith, Edinburgh Review XXXV (1821), pp. 92 ff.

[v] Quoted in ‘Memoirs of the Life of Thomas Hope’ by V. R., in Anastasius, or Memoirs of a Greek Written at the Close of the Eighteenth Century, 2 vols. (Paris: Baudry’s Foreign Library, 1831), I, p. v.

[vi] The Levant has recently been defined by Desanka Schwara as an essentially borderless region. She maintains that the term was originally applied to the Eastern Adriatic and Eastern Mediterranean coasts but eventually came to include other sites such as the Black Sea port of Odessa, for instance. See her article ‘Rediscovering the Levant: A Heterogeneous Structure as a Homogeneous Historical Region’, European Review of History—Revue Europeenne d’Histoire10 (2003), 2, pp. 233 – 251. In eighteenth- and nineteenth-century British travel writing and fiction, however, the name appears to be largely synonymous with the Ottoman ‘Orient’. Thus Alexander Pope refers to Lady Mary Wortley Montagu’s sojourn in the Levant, although her journey through the Ottoman Empire included the interior of the Balkan Peninsula as well as ‘properly’ Levantine localities such as Istanbul and Eastern Mediterranean port cities. Byron and Hobhouse also spoke about having been to the Levant, despite the fact that they mostly travelled through the interior of Albania and Greece and briefly visited Istanbul and the coast of Asia Minor. 

[vii] ‘Memoirs of the Life of Thomas Hope’, I, p. viii.

[viii]  David Watkin, Thomas Hope, p. 5.

[ix] According to Philip Mansel,  ‘Anastasius was revised with the help of [Hope’s] sons’ tutor Rev. J. Hitchens, later Vicar of Sunninghill near Hope’s house in Surrey’. He bases his opinion on ‘a book by Hope’s descendants’. See his article ‘Thomas Hope and the Neoclassical Revolution’,   http://www.philipmansel.com/index.asp?page=5, downloaded on 23. 03. 2007.

[x] Reşat Kasaba, ‘The Enlightenment, Greek Civilization and the Ottoman Empire: Reflections on Thomas Hope’s Anastasius’, Journal of Historical Sociology 16 (2003), 1, p. 17.

[xi] On the symbolic significance of (im)purity in social contexts, see Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger (London and New York: Routledge, 1966, reprinted 2002), esp. pp. 1 – 23.

[xii]  For William St. Clair early nineteenth-century Philhellenism represented ‘the extreme left of the political spectrum within which British politics was then conducted’. See his That Greece Might Still Be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972), p. 146. I follow him in regarding the pro-Ottoman political stance as an expression of right-wing politics. Such a view is supported by later political developments during the Victorian period. On Victorian attitudes to the Ottoman Empire, see Ludmilla Kostova, Tales of the Periphery: the Balkans in Nineteenth-Century British Writing (Veliko Turnovo: St. Cyril and St. Methodius Press, 1997), pp. 116-127 and pp. 161-192. 

[xiii] Kasaba, ‘The Enlightenment’, p. 1.

[xiv] Apart from Martin Bernal’s ‘classic’ Black Athena. The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization  (London: Free Association Books, 1987), more recent publications on race as a classificatory category include Thomas Junker, ‘Blumenbach’s Racial Geometry’, Isis 89 (1998), 498 – 501, Robert Bernasconi, ‘With What Must the Philosophy of World History Begin? On the Racial Basis of Hegel’s Eurocentrism’, Nineteenth-Century Contexts 22 (2000), 171 – 201, Anne K. Mellor, ‘Frankenstein, Racial Science, and the Yellow Peril’, Nineteenth-Century Contexts 23 (2001), 1 – 28, and Sara Eigen, ‘Self, Race and Species: J. S. Blumenbach’s Atlas Experiment’, The German Quarterly 277 (Summer 2005), 277 – 298.

[xv] On the multiple meanings and uses of ‘race’ and ‘nation’ in late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century British contexts, see Ludmilla Kostova, Tales of the Periphery, pp. 17 – 18.

[xvi] Thomas Hope, An Essay on the Origin and Prospect of Man, 3 vols. (London: John Murray, 1831), II, p. 410. All subsequent references will be given in the text.

[xvii] See David Roessel, In Byron’s Shadow. Modern Greece in the English and American Imagination (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 21 – 25.

[xviii] Eigen, ‘Self, Race, and Species’, p. 278.

[xix] Mellor credits Blumenbach with the establishment of the concept of race as ‘a stable, transnational, biological or genetic category [my emphasis]’ of classification. See her ‘Frankenstein’, p. 4.

[xx] Quoted in Eigen, ‘Self’, p. 277.

[xxi] A member of the Hope family offered to accompany Winckelmann to Istanbul. See Watkin, Thomas Hope, p. 5.

[xxii] Thomas Hope, Costumes of the Greeks and Romans (New York: Dover Publications Inc., 1962), p. xvii.

[xxiii] Roessel, In Byron’s Shadow, p. 26.

[xxiv] Roessel, In Byron’s Shadow, p. 15.

[xxv] This character was based on Nikolaos Mavroyenis (1738 – 90), initially a Phanariot dragoman, who was appointed Prince of Wallachia by the Porte in 1786, and faithfully supported the Ottoman side in the war with Russia and Austria. Despite his loyalty, Sultan Selim III sentenced him to death in 1790 and he was executed at Byala in present-day Bulgaria. The Romanian version of his name is Nicolae Mavrogheni. A street in central Bucharest is called after him. For a brief commentary on Mavrogheni’s activities as Prince of Wallachia and Romanian responses to the Wallachian section of Anastasius, see Evgenia Gavriliu, English Culture in the Romanian Countries (1790 – 1850) (Braila: Editura EVRIKA, 1996), pp. 146-49.

[xxvi] Thomas Hope, Anastasius (Glasgow, KY: The Long Riders’ Guild Press, 2008), I. p. 32.  All subsequent references are to this edition and will be given in the text.

[xxvii] Bernal, Black Athena, p. 292.

[xxviii] Charles de Secondat Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, translated by Anne M. Cohler, Basia Carolyn Miller, and Harold Samuel Stone (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), II. 1.

[xxix] John Cam Hobhouse, Travels in Albania and Other Provinces of Turkey in 1809 & 1810, 2 vols.  (London: John Murray, 1813), II, pp. 986-7.

[xxx] Mary Poovey, ‘Ambiguity and Historicism: Interpreting Confessions of a Thug’, Narrative 12 (January 2004), 1, p. 15.

[xxxi] James Watt, ‘James Morier and the Oriental Picaresque’, in Comedy, Fantasy and Colonialism, edited by Graeme Harper (London and New York: Continuum, 2002), p. 59.

[xxxii] Watt, ‘James Morier’, p. 58.

[xxxiii] Watt, ‘James Morier’, p. 63.

[xxxiv] Watt, ‘James Morier’, p. 67.

[xxxv] Debbie Lisle, The Global Politics of Contemporary Travel Writing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 31.

[xxxvi] Watt, ‘James Morier’, p. 62.

[xxxvii] Svetozar Koljevic, The Epic in the Making (Oxford: Clarendon, 1980), p. 192.

[xxxviii] Anne Pennington and Peter Levi, Marko the Prince (New York: Putnam, 1984), p. ix.

[xxxix]  For different versions of the word ‘dragoman/drogueman’ and a detailed etymology, see Bernard Lewis, From Babel to Dragomans. Interpreting the Middle East (London: Phoenix, 2004), p. 22. The word’s variant ‘tergiuman’ is also used in Hope’s text.

[xl] Alain Grosrichard, The Sultan's Court. European Fantasies of the East, translated by Liz Heron  (London: Verso, 1998), p. 3.  

[xli] Michael Cronin, ‘The Empire Talks Back: Orality, Heteronomy and the Cultural Turn in Interpreting Studies, in The Interpreting Studies Reader, edited by F. Poechhacker and Miriam Schlesinger (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 386 – 395. See also Cronin’s recent book Translation and Identity (London and New York: Routledge, 2006), pp. 75-119.

[xlii] Cronin, Translation and Identity, p. 79.

[xliii] ‘A Pera ci sono tre malanni: peste, fuoco e dragomanni’, quoted in Alexander H. de Groot, ‘Die Levantinischen Dragomanen. Einheimische und Fremde im Eigenene Land. Kultur- und Sprachgrenzen zwischen Ost und West (1453 – 1914)’, www.let.leidenuniv.nl/tcimo/tulp/Research/ahdg1.pdf, downloaded on 30. 10. 2006.

[xliv] On the Bulgarian origin of Prince Stefan Bogoridi (born Stoyko Tsonkov Stoykov), see Knyaz Stefan Bogoridi [Prince Stefan Bogoridi], edited by Ivan Radev (Veliko Turnovo: St. Cyril and St. Methodius Press, 1994), pp. 5 – 28.  Bogoridi was Dragoman of the Ottoman Navy, Governor of Galati (1812 – 1819), Caimacam of Moldavia (1821 – 1822), and Governor of Samos.  

[xlv] According to Hobhouse, ‘[t]here are four dragomans attached to the English embassy… Mr. Pisani, descended, I believe, from an ancient Venetian family of Galata, is the chief interpreter: he speaks the English language with the utmost purity…’, Travels, II, p. 828.

[xlvi] For a commentary on Craven, see Ludmilla Kostova, ‘Constructing Oriental Interiors: Two Eighteenth-Century Women Travellers and Their Easts’, in Travel Writing and the Female Imaginary, edited by Vita Fortunati, Rita Monticelli and Maurizio Ascari (Bologna: Patron Editore, 2001), pp. 17 – 33.

[xlvii] Hobhouse, Travels, I, p. 515.

[xlviii] Hobhouse, Travels, I, p. 515.

[xlix] Hobhouse, Travels, I, p. 517.

[l] Hobhouse, Travels, I, p. 517.

[li] Hobhouse, Travels, I, p. 516.

[lii] Anne McWhir, 'Introduction', Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley, The Last Man. (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Literary Texts, 1996), p. xxiii.

[liii] See the 1831 Paris edition, II, 413 – 434.

[liv] Dom Augustin Calmet’s 1749 Traite sur les Apparitions des esprits et sur les vampires provides a number of examples of modern Greek religious rites as well as instances of the belief in vampirism in Hungary, Moravia and other parts of Eastern Europe. For a commentary, see Marie-Helene Huet, ‘Deadly Fears: Dom Augustin Calmet’s Vampires and the Rule Over Death’, Eighteenth-Century Life 21 (May 1997), 222 – 232.

[lv] Mark Mazower, Salonica. City of Ghosts. Christians, Muslims, and Jews, 1430 – 1950 (London: Harper Collins Publishers, 2004), p. 126.

[lvi] There are numerous examples of this attitude in Greek, Bulgarian, and Serbian historiography and fiction. By way of a specific example I can cite Bulgarian writer Ivan Vazov’s 1893 novel Pod igoto (Under the Yoke), anonymous English translation, London: Heinemann, 1894, esp. p. 121. 

[lvii] For a commentary on the emergence of a new conceptual division in Europe, see Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe: the Map of Civilization on the Mind of the Enlightenment (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), p. 7.

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